Unpacking Political News

Unpacking Political News

Unpacking Political News

  • The first portion of the chapter reviews the impact of journalistic routines on political news-gathering.
  • The second part looks at the role played by organizational forces, a topic that brings us eyeball to eyeball with controversies involving Fox News.
  • The third section explores the ways that an array of economic factors shape news.
  • The final portion describes the complex ways that the larger political system influences news, particularly coverage of recent wars.

MEDIA ROUTINES

What are media routines?

They are defined as “those patterned, routinized, repeated practices and forms that media workers use to do their jobs”. From a professional perspective, routines enable reporters to gain information efficiently, providing tried-and-true methods to determine which information should pass through the informational gates and which should be discarded.

There are three key routines:

(1) Ethically based and journalistic news values;

(2) Reliance on sources;

(3) Dependence on informational channels.

News Values

According to Society for Professional Journalists, 1996

  • seek truth and report it, in ways that are honest, fair and courageous;
  • act independently, by remaining “free of obligation to any interest other than the public’s right to know”; and
  • Minimize harm, showing respect to sources and compassion to those who might be adversely affected by news stories.

 Social significance. News covers events that are deemed to be high in social significance,

Deadlines. A newspaper must come out the next day, a television network’s web or Facebook pages need to be regularly updated to reflect changing events, and journalists continually update blogs

Novelty. Information is newsworthy when it emerges from new, novel, and unusual developments.

Conflict. News thrives on conflict. Conflicts between groups.

Pack journalism and feeding frenzies. When reporters smell a scandal or controversy involving a public official, they can move voraciously, collectively pursuing new leads, and covering the story non-stop, until the official replies or resigns, or there is no longer news to report. Scholars call this a “feeding frenzy”

Negative information. Events are deemed newsworthy when they deviate from the norm. Because people expect or hope that life will turn out nicely in the end, favorable outcomes are not newsworthy. Positive events are the norm; bad news is unexpected and, consequently, it receives more coverage.

Who Says It: Sources and Channels

Sources: “News is not what happens, but what someone says has happened or will happen,” Reporters rarely are able to witness events firsthand, but instead must rely on the observations of others. The others on whom they depend are called sources, and these sources are invariably highly placed government officials.

Channels:

There are three informational channels:

Formal channels include official proceedings

Informal channels consist frequently of background briefings.

Enterprise channels include investigative reports, such as in-depth exposés of corruption, as well as long interviews with an elected official, initiated by the reporter, and spontaneous events witnessed first-hand.

ORGANIZATIONAL FORCES

Organization can influence the direction reporters take on stories and the particular theme that a series emphasizes.

Socialization: When journalists begin working at a news organization, they quickly learn what is expected of them, internalizing the explicit and implicit rules of the organizational culture.

Sociologist Warren Breed conducted a landmark study of “social control in the newsroom,” exploring the processes by which a news organization socializes its reporters, communicates social roles, and conveys rules for advancement. Breed concluded that “when the new reporter starts work he is not told what policy is. Nor is he ever told.” Instead, he learns policy “by osmosis,”

ECONOMIC INFLUENCES

In a free enterprise capitalist system, economic factors shape the news in a host of ways.

At a basic level, as two scholars notes:

Markets are the mechanism whereby supply and demand are brought into balance.

The marketplace rewards news media which produce a product that meets market

demand . . . If the market demands sensationalism, then that’s what it gets. If the

market demands a particular political interpretation of events, that’s what it gets

. . . This is simple media economics.                                      (Shoemaker & Vos, p. 76)

Three market factors influence news content:

  1. Audiences (What is the trend or interest of Audience)
  2. Economic development interests (News executives are acutely aware of the ways that civic developments, like convention centers, sports stadiums, and museum complexes, can help the metropolitan region. They also recognize that these developments can benefit the newspaper or local TV station.)
  3. Macro financial markets. (When A News Media organization get worth and profit they distribute bonuses which boost the quality of work and assignments)

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SYSTEM INFLUENCES

Communication scholars remind us that “the press always takes on the form and coloration of the social and political structures within which it operates (Siebert, Peterson, & Schramm, 1973, p. 1). Political news is profoundly shaped by the nature of a nation’s economy, its political system, relations among economic and political institutions, and an ideological world-view (Hallin & Mancini, 2004).

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THE RISE OF MEDIA INDUSTRIES AND MASS SOCIETY THEORY

Chapter# 3: THE RISE OF MEDIA INDUSTRIES AND MASS SOCIETY THEORY (Review)

First Amendment

Guarantees freedom of speech, press, assembly, and religion

Culture war

Struggle to define the cultural foundation of the broader social order in which we live

THE RISE OF YELLOW JOURNALISM

At the beginning of the twentieth century, every industry had its barons, and the most notorious—if not the greatest—of the press lords was Hearst. Hearst specialized in buying up failing newspapers and transforming them into profitable enterprises. He demonstrated that the news business could be as profitable as railroads, steel, or oil. One secret to his success was devising better strategies for luring low income readers. His newspapers combined a low-selling price with innovative new forms of content that included lots of pictures, serialized stories, and comic strips. Some experts even say that yellow journalism got its name from one of the first comic strips: “The Yellow Kid.”

CYCLES OF MASS MEDIA DEVELOPMENT AND DECLINE

“Revolution” in media technology: Whenever important new media technologies appear, they destabilize existing media industries, forcing large-scale and often very rapid restructuring.

Functional displacement: When the functions of an existing medium are replaced by a newer technology, the older medium finds new functions.

The success of new media often brings a strong critical reaction—especially when media adopt questionable competitive strategies to produce content or attract consumers. New media industries often do specialize in giving people what they want— even if the long-term consequences might be negative.

As media industries mature, they often become more socially responsible—more willing to censor or limit distribution of controversial content and more concerned about serving long-term public needs rather than pandering to short-term popular passions.

Digital Rights Management: Electronic protection of digitally distributed media content. (Pirated Software, movies, music and copyright content etc…)

MASS SOCIETY CRITICS AND THE DEBATE OVER MEDIA

During the early stages of development or restructuring, media industries are especially susceptible to complaint. Most critics are not objective scientists or dispassionate humanists relying on systematic observation or well-developed theory for their positions. Rather, their criticisms are to some extent rooted in their own self-interests. You can evaluate the criticism that accompanied the diffusion of media we now find commonplace in the box entitled “Fearful Reactions to New Media.”

ASSUMPTIONS OF MASS SOCIETY THEORY

Mass society theory makes several basic assumptions about individuals, the role of media, and the nature of social change. Here we list these assumptions and then discuss each in some detail:

  1. The media are a powerful force within society that can subvert essential norms and values and thus undermine the social order. To deal with this threat media must be brought under elite control.
  2. Media are able to directly influence the minds of average people, transforming their views of the social world.
  3. Once people’s thinking is transformed by media, all sorts of bad long-term consequences are likely to result—not only bringing ruin to individual lives but also creating social problems on a vast scale.
  4. Average people are vulnerable to media because in mass society they are cut off and isolated from traditional social institutions that previously protected them from manipulation.
  5. The social chaos initiated by media will likely be resolved by establishment of a totalitarian social order.
  6. Mass media inevitably debase higher forms of culture, bringing about a general decline in civilization.

 

Enlightenment: Eighteenth century European social and philosophical movement stressing rational thought and progress through science.

EARLY EXAMPLES OF MASS SOCIETY THEORY

Older notions about mass society and mass culture, but most reject the simplistic assumptions and criticisms of earlier eras. These newer theories no longer accept elite high culture as the standard against which all others must be measured. Totalitarianism is no longer feared as inevitable, but censorship of media by authoritarian regimes is widespread.

Media don’t subvert culture, but they do play a major and sometimes counterproductive role in cultural change. Fear of totalitarianism has been replaced worldwide by growing disillusionment with consumerism and its power to undermine cultural and national identities.

GEMEINSCHAFT AND GESELLSCHAFT

Gemeinschaft: In Tönnies’s conception, traditional folk cultures

In folk communities, people were bound together by strong ties of family, by tradition, and by rigid social roles— basic social institutions were very powerful. Gemeinschaft “consisted of a dense network of personal relationships based heavily on kinship and the direct, face-to-face contact that occurs in a small, closed village. Norms were largely unwritten, and individuals were bound to one another in a web of mutual interdependence that touched all aspects of life”.

Gesellschaft: In Tönnies’s conception, modern industrial society

In gesellschaft, people are bound together by relatively weak social institutions based on rational choices rather than tradition. Gesellschaft represents “the framework of laws and other formal regulations that characterized large, urban industrial societies. Social relationships were more formalized and impersonal; individuals did not depend on one another for support… and were therefore much less morally obligated to one another”.

Mechanical solidarity:

In Durkheim’s conception, folk cultures bound by consensus and traditional social roles.

Organic solidarity:

In Durkheim’s conception, modern social orders bound by culturally negotiated social ties.

MASS SOCIETY THEORY IN CONTEMPORARY TIMES

Early mass society theorists argued that media are highly problematic forces that have the power to directly reach and transform the thinking of individuals so that the quality of their lives is impaired and serious social problems are created. Through media influence, people are atomized, cut off from the civilizing influences of other people or high culture. In these early theories, totalitarianism inevitably results as ruthless, power-hungry dictators seize control of media to promote their ideology. Initially, mass society theory gained wide acceptance— especially among traditional social elites threatened by the rise of media industries. In time, however, people questioned its unqualified assertions about the media’s power to directly influence individuals. Mass society notions enjoyed longer acceptance in Europe, where commitments to traditional ways of life and high culture have been stronger and where distrust of average people and mass democracy runs deeper.

The second factor in contemporary rearticulating of mass society theory involves concentration of ownership of different media companies in fewer and fewer hands. We’ve already seen that media industries, when facing challenges from new technologies, undergo rapid restructuring. This is one of the reasons behind today’s dazzling number and scope of media industry mergers.

 

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Four Eras Of Mass Media Theory (Review)

Mass Communication Theory Foundations, Ferment, and Future

Review of Chaper 2:

FOUR ERAS OF MEDIA THEORY

We have identified four distinct eras in the development of mass communication theories, beginning with the origin of media theory in the nineteenth century and ending with the emergence of an array of contemporary perspectives.

  1. THE ERA OF MASS SOCIETY AND MASS CULTURE

The era of mass society theory is characterized by overinflated fears of media’s influence on “average” people and overly optimistic views of their ability to bring about social good. Powerful social and cultural elites, who saw the traditional social order that was serving them so well undermined by popular media content, were the primary advocates of the former view. Urban elites—the new capitalists whose power was increasingly based on industrialization and urbanization—viewed technology, including the mass media, as facilitating control over the physical environment, expanding human productivity, and generating new forms of material wealth. Both ignored the fact that mass communication’s power resides in the uses that people make of it.

  1. THE EMERGENCE OF THE LIMITED-EFFECTS PERSPECTIVE

A SCIENTIFIC PERSPECTIVE ON MASS COMMUNICATION LEADS TO THE EMERGENCE OF THE LIMITED-EFFECTS PERSPECTIVE

The development of a scientific perspective on mass communication led to the emergence of the limited-effects perspective. To serve commercial clients and help defend the country from the threat of propaganda, communication researchers turned to administrative research and theory to guide their investigation of media’s influence. This shift to empirical research discredited naive mass society theories as “unscientific.” They were replaced with limited-effects theories that argued that because people could resist media’s power and were influenced by competing factors such as friends and family, mass communication most often served to reinforce existing social trends and strengthen rather than threaten the status quo. Elite pluralism is an example of a limited-effects theory. It says that democratic society is made up of interlocking pluralistic groups led by opinion leaders who rely on media for information about politics and the social world. These opinion leaders are well informed, even though their followers are apathetic and ignorant. As a result, democracy works well.

  1. FERMENT IN THE FIELD: COMPETING CULTURAL PERSPECTIVES CHALLENGE LIMITED-EFFECTS THEORY

The idea that media could indeed have large-scale cultural influence was not dead. In this third era, mass communication theory turned toward critical and cultural studies, driven primarily by the cultural theorists of Europe who held to neo-Marxist assumptions about the wielding of power by economic and media elites. British cultural studies, focusing on mass media’s role in promoting a hegemonic worldview and a dominant culture, is an example of the critical cultural theories spawned during this era.

  1. EMERGENCE OF MEANING-MAKING PERSPECTIVES ON MEDIA

This era recognizes that mass communication can indeed be powerful, or somewhat powerful, or not powerful at all, because active audience members can (and often do) use media content to create meaningful experiences for themselves. Framing theory, asserting that people use expectations of the social world to make sense of that world, and the media literacy movement, calling for improvement in people’s ability to access, analyze, evaluate, and communicate media messages, are two examples of recent meaning-making theory.

This process of mass communication theory’s development has not been orderly, as you’ll see, nor have all issues been settled. One continuing source of disagreement among media researchers resides in the matter of levels of analysis, where researchers focus their attention in the search for effects. Those who operate at the microscopic level search for effects on individuals. Those who work at the macroscopic level expectmedia’s influence to manifest itself on larger social and cultural levels.

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Mass Media Research By WIMMER & DOMINICK

Mass Media Research By ROGER D. WIMMER & JOSEPH R. DOMINICK 9th Edition

Part One

The Research Process

Chapter 1

Science and Research 1

Chapter 2

Elements of Research 42

Chapter 3

Research Ethics 64

Chapter 4

Sampling 86

Part Two

Research Approaches

Chapter 5

Qualitative Research Methods 114

Chapter 6

Content Analysis 155

Chapter 7

Survey Research 184

Chapter 8

Longitudinal Research 218

Chapter 9

Experimental Research 238

Part Three

Data Analysis

Chapter 10

Introduction to Statistics 266

Chapter 11

Hypothesis Testing 289

Chapter 12

Basic Statistical Procedures 304

Part Four

Research Applications

Chapter 13

Newspaper and Magazine

Research 332

Chapter 14

Research in the Electronic Media 350

Chapter 15

Research in Advertising 380

Chapter 16

Research in Public Relations 405

Preface:

Things change constantly in all areas of life, and it is sometimes difficult to keep up with all the changes. In every edition of this text, we are faced with several new technologies and research approaches that didn’t exist in a previous edition. It has been interesting to watch the development of such things as satellite television and radio, the Internet, MP3 players, CDs, DVDs, Blu-ray, and more. Each invention offers a wealth of new research topics and opportunities, and it has been fun to observe how mass communication constantly changes.

As mass media teachers and professional researchers, we want to provide you with the most detailed and most current information possible. However, that is a difficult task with a textbook since changes in mass media research happen frequently. Our best alternative, therefore, is to help you find the most current information about the topics we discuss in this text.

Therefore, throughout this text, we provide many Internet searches to help you find more information about the topics we discuss in the book. Please use these search suggestions. You’ll see that we use a specific format for the searches we suggest. Enter the search exactly as we suggest, although you may feel free to go beyond the searches we provide. The format we use for Internet searches is italics. That is, whenever we suggest an Internet search, the search is shown in italics. If you see quote marks with the search, be sure to include those because they are important in refining the search and eliminating useless information. For example, if we recommend that you search the Internet for more information about this text and suggest “Mass media research” Wimmer Dominick, then input your search exactly as written, including the quote marks. If you are new to using Internet search engines, please go to our book website at www.wimmerdominick.com and read the article about using search engines in the “Readings” section.

Approach and Organization As in the previous editions, our goal is to provide you with the tools you need to use mass media research in the professional world through simplified explanations of goals, procedures, and uses of information in mass media research. We want you to be comfortable with research and to recognize its unlimited value, so we use extensive practical applications to illustrate its use in the world today.

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Political Communication

Chapter 2:

Political Communication – Review

is the process by which language and symbols, employed by leaders, media, or citizens, exert intended or unintended effects on the political cognitions, attitudes, or behaviors of individuals or on outcomes that bear on the public policy of a nation, state, or community.

There are several aspects of the definition.

  1. Political communication is a process
  2. Political communication calls centrally on words and symbols (A symbol is a form of language in which one entity represents an idea or concept, conveying rich psychological and cultural meaning.)
  3. Group of leaders and Influence agents
  4. Political communication effects can be intended or unintended.
  5. Political communication is that effects occur on a variety of levels. ( Political media exert influence on the micro level, affecting individuals’ thoughts, candidate assessments, feelings, attitudes, and behavior.)

CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

  • One view is that elite leaders exert a preeminent impact on opinions and policy.
  • A second view places the onus on media. It emphasizes that the media—both news and entertainment exert a preeminent effect on the conduct of politics. This viewpoint notes that the news media’s choice of issues, and the way they frame the news, can influence leaders and the public.
  • A third viewpoint argues that the public calls the shots. In order to get elected and reelected, leaders have to be responsive to their constituents, implementing polices that the average voter supports.

In most political contexts, all three influence agents—elites, media, and public—interact in complex ways. The drama of political communication involves a trifecta: leaders, media, and citizens symbolically jousting among themselves and framing problems in different ways.

 Politics Is Played on a Media Platform

Shanto Iyengar (2004) notes. “The role of the citizen has evolved from occasional foot soldier and activist to spectator” .

Jesper Strömbäck and Lynda L. Kaid (2008) take a complementary view, noting that the mass media mediate between citizens on the one hand and the institutions of government on the other. But the media are not neutral, bland mediators. They apply their own judgments and rules, in this way transforming politics.

 Technology Is a Centerpiece of Political Communication

Although technology has always played a role in politics, it wields more influence today than ever before. There is a greater volume of political information, more instant communication between leaders and followers, and more opportunities for voters to exert control over the message (Johnson, 2011).

 Political Communication Has Gone Global

Technology can also facilitate global conversations that never could have occurred in earlier times. This can be beneficial when the conversations bring people together or catalyze ideas. But when the two parties that converse are at loggerheads or at war, technology reinforces and exacerbates tensions.

Political Communication Can Be a Force of Good and Evil

Like all weapons of influence, political communication can be harnessed for positive and negative purposes.

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Theory and Research in Mass Communication: Contexts and Consequences

Theory and Research in Mass Communication: Contexts and Consequences By David K. Perry

Second Edition

Citizens, policymakers, and communication practitioners who are concerned about mass communication issues otfutrenn t o the academic community for answers. Their questions often involve such things as whether, to what extent, or why media violence or sex contributote asn tisocial or criminal behavior among audiences. The answers often are not as simple or consistent as they might like. As one scholar put it:

only after much research has been completed does a statement come tboe viewed int he scholarly community as tru-ea status very few communication theories are ever likely to reach. Even then, the truth value is to be found more in the degree of agreement among scholars, an intersubjective criterion, than in any ultimate reality. (Chaffee, 1991, p. 11) Definitions of truth as scholarly consensus are often found in modem literatures of the history (e.g.K, uhn, 1970) and philosophyo f science (e.g., H.I. Brown, 1977). They are not a producotf the present century. During the 19th century, pragmatist philosopher Charles Peirce (1878/1957) defined truth as that “opinion which is fated to be ultimately agreed to who investigate” (pp.5 3-54).P eirce believed that proper inquiry (at least if carried on to infinity) could lead members of a scientific community, who initially might disagree, to reach inevitable conclusions. His stress consensus simply assumed that many heaadrse better than one and that truth is a product of many minds.

Of course, as Peirce recognized,i t is perhaps best not to definet ruth solely in terms of whatever a community of inquirers accepts. For example, one must excludteh e possibility that scientists will accepftr audulent research. Similarly, political or religious dogma sometimes may determine the conclusions of scholars, most obviouslyin totalitarian societies. Hence, notions of usefulness and/or some sort of correspondence may remain necessary (seeth e appendix). In fact, scientists often consider a scientific idea valido r true because they findit useful and/or believe that it corresponds to the external world (Kaplan, 1964).

Today, Peirce’s consensus criterion may seem too optimistic. Serious doubts persist that science progresses bya ttaining ever closer approximations of any ultimate reality (Hesse, 1980; Kuhn, 1970). Rather, different ideas about phenomena may gain currencayt different timep eriods before sometimes fallinogu t of favor and perhaps reappearing later in a modified formI. n short, research frequently shows no signs of satisfying what Dewey (1929) called the quest for certainty. Because of this, scholarly disagreement perhaps may always exist about the degree of truth in almost any social scientific idea. Faced with this, how might those who would like to use research react to the available, but less than certain, conclusions of scholars? Perhaps another pragmatist, William James, provided an answer. Untial nd unless inquiry attains Peirce’s ideals, “we have to live to-day by what truth we can get to-day, and be ready to-morrow to call it falsehood” (James, 1907/1975, p. 107). Here, as elsewherien their work, Peirce had his eytreu tohn a s generality, and James focused on what woirnk sp articular situations. Their positions display two different philosophical viewpoints -realism and nominalism – found within both pragmatism and philosophy more generally (Lewis & R.L. Smith, 1980). Realists such as Peircea rgue that universals (e.g., scientific laws or essences of objects such as blue jays) exist separately from the human mind. In contrast, nominalists like James deny their existence or see them (but often not the physical world) as mindimposed. The phrase ”only particulars exist“ (Pepper, 1942; p. 214; italics original) effectively captures the nominalist view.

This issue (see also the appendix) has many implications for both communication research and life more generally. References to it arise at various places in this book. For example, the United States is a quite socially nominalistic society( see Lewis & R.L. Smith, 1980). Itsc ulture emphasizes individuality more than commonality or community. i nT makoedne ration, nominalism probably has positive consequences, encouraging individual initiatives that benefit all. However, certaino f fcoormmms unity ties, which some forms of mass media may disrupt (see chap. 9), appear to promote economic prosperity, human health, and public safety (Putnam, 2000). In his most famous essay, ”WTihlle t o Believe,” James (1898/1960a)d – dressed the problems people face when they must respond to uncertain situations, sucha s whether to believine God. Writteni n the late 19th century, the essay primarily referred to maonradl religious questions, rather than to scientific ones. His essay explicitly rejected scientism, the “pernicious exaggerationo f both thes tatus and functiono f science in relation to our values” (Kaplan, 1964, p. 405).

James began by definingli v ae hypothesis as a proposal that seems possibly true, and hence a potengtuiaidl e to action, to a person considering it. For example, a researcher, policymaker, or consumer who reviews evidence concerningt he long-term behavioral impacto f exposure to television and televised violenocne t he young( see chap. 10) might find two live hypotheses. Perhaps exposure early in life increases the total amounoft violent, criminal behavior that young people engage iwn hen they reach the crime-prone ageosf late adolescencea nd early adulthood (Centerwall, 1989). Yet it may have no long-term effect on aggressiveness (Milavsky, Kessler, Stipp, & Rubens, 1982). In contrast, any idea that such exposure reduces overall behavioral violence now seems quite implausible. In James’ terms, it seems a dead hypothesis.

Two competing live hypotheses do not necessarily present a genuine option, according to JamesT. o do so, the choice must involve two additional conditions. It must have momentous (or pearth laepast nontrivial) consequences, and some decision between the hypotheses must be inescapable. Obviouslyi, n a purely intellectual sense, one can easily suspend one’s judgment.

However, someone who does so may face a “real-world” decision. A parent may wonder whether to limict h ail d’s exposure. A network executive or government policymaker may consider ato rpelastnr ict the amount of violence during prime-time hours. In James’ terms, these choices certainly are more genuine thwaans the intellectual one. They may or may be momentous depending on the actual consequoefn bcoetsh mediatedv iolence and the contemplated action. Nonetheless, the person must either act or fail to act. Hence, James’ (1898/1960) central thesis: Our passional nature noot nly lawfully may, but must, decidaen option between propositions, whenever it is a genuine option that cannot by its nature be decided on intellectual grounds; for to say, under such circumstances, “Do not decide, but leave the question open,” is itself a passional decision, -j ust like decidingy es or no, -and is attended with the samries k of losing the truth. @. 11)

In emphasizing the function of values in everyday life, James was responding to scientistic thinkers of his day who argued that it is always wrong to believe anything, such as the existeonf cGe od, without conclusive evidence. Such thinking reflects a vatlhuaet a person is betteor ff to risk failingt o detect truth than to risk making an error about B iyt . its nature, science usually proceeds cautiously. According to its dominant values, the judgment of the scientific community in some ways should resemble that of a jury, which must acquit a criminal as long as any reasonable doubt exists of the person’s guilt. Those responsible for public policy sometimes proceed in a similar fashion. According to Rowland (1983), the less-than-conclusive results of past media violence research sometimes have allowed policymakers to appear concerned and avoid taking regulatory action. Nor is this necessarily inappropriate. Restricting media violence by law or public policy could have dangerous consequences for other civil liberties, for instance. Perhaps beocfa uthsies , and the influence of powerful commercial television industries, possib”lyth e level of ‘proof’ demanded goes well beyond what is usually accepted in less controversial social science research” (Huston, 1987, p. 942). Audiences are not bound ttoh e same standards, however. After weighing both the evidence and potential consequences of allowing a child to view violencew ithout restriction, the parent might or might not dectiod e limit exposure. For examplhee, or she might restrict viewing based on after recognizintgh at children do not havet he same legal rights to view media contents daso adults. Nevertheless, the parent might fitnhde evidence less than convincing or decide that only a slight chance exists that television will affectht e child negatively. Thus, he or she might conclude that no restriction is needed. In any case, the parent’s concern is with a specific situation.

James came to regrtehte title of his essay. It left him otpoe nch arges of encouraging wanton or wishful thinking. He believed that the phrase “Right to Believe,” instead of “Will to Believe,” better summarized its theme (Murphy,1 990).I n short, people can base their actions on whatever evidence is available, as wealls their values. Thus, mass communication consumers today have a ritgoh bt elieve or noat,n d to act or not, after taking evidencei nto account. In such a light, this bioso inkt ended for a very broad audience, including scientists, teachers, studentsa, nd anyone else concerned with mass communication issues.

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MPhil Mass Communication important eBooks

M Phil Mass Communication important eBooks

Dear Students of M Phil Mass Communication , University of Gujrat, Pakistan.

Students of M Phil Mass Communication have to explore a variety of subjects and topics. It is not possible to buy books for every topic so teachers have prepared notes and other helping study material for students on different topics. It is commonly quite difficult and hassle for lecturer to share notes as well as for students to get the notes and other study material.

You will always find a huge students’ rush on photocopier shop to get notes. Now masscommunicationtalk.com has maintained almost all the notes and study material for M Phil Mass Communication students. You can explore all the notes and study material online here.

You can explore already uploaded notes as well as you can add your own notes. If you have developed your own notes or you wanted to upload your teacher notes of any particular subject here you can upload and share that notes with others.

 

You may download and read Mass Communication related books here on this page.

  1. An introduction to political communication, 3rd Edition
  2. New Media and Politics (2001) Barrie Axford, Richard Huggins
  3. Mass Communication Theory Foundations, Ferment, and Future
  4. Media & Culture 8th Edition By Richard Campbell, Christopher R. Martin, Bettina Fabos
  5. Studying media and Politics
  6. Richard M. Perloff-The Dynamics of Political Communication_ Media and Politics in a Digital Age-Routledge (2013)
  7. SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY C A T H E R I N E A . S A N D E R S O N A M H E R S T C O L L E G E
  8. INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION Continuity and Change : DAYA KISHAN THUSSU
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